

Engraving by W. H. Worthington after Sir Thomas Lawrence, marked 'Engraved by permission of the Council of the Royal Society from the original painting', London, 1831; Internet Archive metadata for this scan: NOT_IN_COPYRIGHT · Frontispiece engraving in John Ayrton Paris, The Life of Sir Humphry Davy, vol. 1 (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1831), via Internet Archive (University of California Libraries copy), page image leaf n5 cropped to the plate and downsized to 1600 px · Public domain (published in London in 1831; engraver W. H. Worthington and painter Sir Thomas Lawrence both died before 1850)
chemist · 19th Century
Humphry Davy
1778–1829
Known For
Not yet included in personality matching — the documented evidence doesn't yet cover enough of the personality model. Everything else on this page is fully available.
Trait Constellation
Key Achievements
In October 1807 Davy obtained the first decisive result in decomposing potash with a large voltaic battery, and on 19 November 1807 he delivered his Bakerian lecture to the Royal Society on the decomposition of the fixed alkalies and the new metal-like substances that form their bases: potassium and sodium. He went on to decompose the alkaline earths, and the Science History Institute lists calcium and magnesium among the elements he isolated; Paris adds boron from boracic acid.
In his Bakerian lecture of 1810 and a memoir read in February 1811, Davy argued that the gas then called oxymuriatic acid contains no oxygen but is a simple substance, which forms muriatic acid (hydrochloric acid) by combining with hydrogen. Paris says the view went against the belief of European chemists for nearly thirty years and set off an acute controversy, and David Knight credits Davy with establishing chlorine as an element and showing that hydrochloric acid contains no oxygen, which undercut Lavoisier's idea that oxygen is in all acids.
After the Rector of Bishopwearmouth, Dr Gray, invited him to look into explosions in Northumberland and Durham collieries, Davy visited the mines in August 1815, took samples of fire-damp, and wrote to Gray on 30 October 1815 that he had found a safe lamp. The wire-gauze lamp was tested in the mines in 1816 and found to work in practice, and the Science History Institute says it substantially reduced coal-mine deaths per ton of coal in the following years.
In 1798 Davy became superintendent of Thomas Beddoes's Medical Pneumatic Institution in Bristol, where he investigated the effects of nitrous oxide ('laughing gas'). In 1801 he was appointed to the Royal Institution in London, where, in the Science History Institute's words, he became the most popular scientific lecturer in London in the 1800s; he also lectured on chemistry to the Board of Agriculture.
Moments That Reveal Them
At Bristol, Cottle records, Davy tried to breathe nitrous gas, a deadly one. To keep its oxygen from forming nitric acid in his lungs, he first emptied his lungs with several breaths of nitrous oxide from a second bag, then took a single breath of the nitrous gas. It burned his throat and caused a spasm, he stopped at once, and he wrote of it, 'I never design again to repeat so rash an experiment.' Cottle says he had warned Davy of the danger of his gas trials.
Deliberately breathing an untested gas, with a precaution of his own design, is consistent with a high tolerance for risk in the laboratory; stopping at once and recording that he would not repeat it shows the risk was weighed, not ignored. The account comes through his friend Cottle, who also recorded his own warnings. Risk Tolerance
In autumn 1815, after Davy had tried the lamp in mines with the colliery manager John Buddle, Buddle told him he might have made five or ten thousand pounds a year by patenting it. According to Paris and Thorpe, Davy answered that he had never thought of it and that his object was to serve humanity. The coal-owners later gave him a service of plate worth about 2,500 pounds, which he asked to be made as a dinner service.
Declining a patent is consistent with a motive to have the invention used, but the account comes from Buddle's letter and Davy's own words as repeated by two admiring biographers, and he accepted the owners' plate, so the motive is shown as mixed rather than purely disinterested. Impact Motivation
Turning Points
In 1808 Davy held that muriatic acid contained a large share of water and that oxymuriatic acid contained oxygen. Paris says he began to doubt it when charcoal, freed of hydrogen and moisture and heated white-hot by the voltaic battery in oxymuriatic or muriatic acid gas, produced no change. He retraced his steps and, in his 1810 Bakerian lecture, argued that oxymuriatic acid is a simple body, which led to one of the sharpest controversies in chemistry of the period.
Reversing his own published position when an experiment failed to give the expected result is consistent with updating beliefs on evidence; the source is a secondary account of his papers. Belief Updating
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Sources
- Humphry Davy (Q131761) -- verified live via Special:EntityData (2026-10-08): en label 'Humphry Davy', description 'British chemist', born 17 Dec 1778, died 29/30 May 1829, ko label '험프리 데이비', instance of human. Orientation only; not used as support for any row.
- John Ayrton Paris (physician), 'The Life of Sir Humphry Davy' (London: Colburn and Bentley, 1831), both volumes, Project Gutenberg texts 45394 and 45395 -- FIRST biography, written within two years of Davy's death with help from his family and friends; admiring of the science but openly critical of his conduct in places (the Royal Society presidency, the Faraday and iodine disputes are treated frankly) and described by later historians as deeply critical. Read: preface and contents; the passages on his lecturing and laboratory manner and the Purkis and Poole letters (vol. 1); the chloric-acid, muriatic-acid and chlorine chapters; the iodine episode in Paris, the safety-lamp chapter with the Buddle letters and the Stephenson resolutions, the 1823 chlorine liquefaction, and the Royal Society presidency passage (vol. 2). The remainder (early life, galvanism history, agricultural chemistry, Salmonia and Consolations summaries, the final illness) was not read.
- John Davy (Davy's brother, a physician), 'Memoirs of the Life of Sir Humphry Davy' (London: Longman et al., 1836), two volumes, Internet Archive scans b33286437_0001 and b33286437_0002 (OCR text) -- FAMILY-PARTISAN biography, written partly to rebut Paris. Read for the Royal Society election, the 1823 chlorine liquefaction account and his rebuttal of Paris, and the closing character summary with Thomas Poole's letter; the rest was not read.
- T. E. Thorpe (chemist and historian of chemistry), 'Humphry Davy, Poet and Philosopher' (Century Science Series, London: Cassell, 1896), Project Gutenberg text 54862 -- late-Victorian scholarly biography using the Royal Institution minutes and Davy's letters; admiring of his science, frank about his later relations with Faraday and his temper. Read: the Faraday engagement and 1813-15 tour with Faraday's letters, the 1807 alkali discovery, the safety lamp and Stephenson controversy, the Royal Society years and Faraday, and the copper-sheathing episode; the early-life and later literary chapters were not read.
- Joseph Cottle (Bristol bookseller and publisher, Davy's friend), 'Reminiscences of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Robert Southey' (London, 1847), Project Gutenberg text 8580 -- FRIEND and FIRSTHAND witness of Davy at the Bristol Pneumatic Institution (1798-1801), with Davy's letters to him and Coleridge's remark on him; written decades later, and with its own health speculations that are NOT used here. Read the Davy chapters and the Coleridge passages.
- Science History Institute, 'Humphry Davy' (Scientific Biographies, updated by historian Frank A. J. L. James, 3 August 2026), sciencehistory.org -- modern independent historian's biography based on recent manuscript research; critical of Davy's treatment of Stephenson and of his Royal Society presidency. Read in full.
- David Knight (historian of science and author of a Davy biography), 'Left Behind', Distillations magazine, Science History Institute, 7 February 2017 -- essay-review of Jan Golinski's 'The Experimental Self: Humphry Davy and the Making of a Man of Science' (Chicago, 2016), giving an independent scholarly summary of Davy's career, rivalry with Gay-Lussac and later priority disputes. Read in full. Knight's own book and Golinski's book were not accessible as full text and were not read.
- Wikimedia Commons file page 'Sir Humphry Davy, Bt by Thomas Phillips.jpg' (National Portrait Gallery, London, NPG 2546) -- inspected for the portrait chain only; NOT used as the portrait because its Commons page carries the NPG copyright-claims notice and the NPG item page is bot-walled and could not be read. Not used for any row.
